back to indexRichard Wrangham: Violence, Sex, and Fire in Human Evolution | Lex Fridman Podcast #229
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The following is a conversation with Richard Rangham,
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a biological anthropologist at Harvard,
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specializing in the study of primates
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and the evolution of violence, sex, cooking, culture,
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and other aspects of ape and human behavior
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at the individual and societal level.
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He began his career over four decades ago
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working with Jane Goodall
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and studying the behavior of chimps.
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And since then, has done a lot of seminal work
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on human evolution
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and has proposed several theories for the roles of fire
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and violence in the evolution of us,
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hairless apes, otherwise known as homo sapiens.
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This is the Lux Friedman podcast.
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To support it, please check out our sponsors
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in the description.
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And now here's my conversation with Richard Rangham.
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You've said that we're much less violent
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than our close living relatives, the chimps.
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Can you elaborate on this point of how violent we are
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and how violent our evolutionary relatives are?
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Well, I haven't said exactly
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that we're less violent than chimps.
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What I've said is that there are two kinds of violence.
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One stems from proactive aggression
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and the other stems from reactive aggression.
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Proactive aggression is planned aggression.
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Reactive aggression is impulsive, defensive.
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It's reactive because it takes place
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in seconds after the threat.
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And the thing that is really striking about humans
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compared to our close relatives
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is the great reduction in the degree of reactive aggression.
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So we are far less violent than chimps
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when prompted by some relatively minor threat
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within our own society.
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And the way I judge that is with not super satisfactory data
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but the study which is particularly striking
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is one of people living as hunter gatherers
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in a really upsetting kind of environment,
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namely people in Australia living in a place
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where they got a lot of alcohol abuse.
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There's a lot of domestic violence.
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It's all a sort of a society that is as bad
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from the point of view of violence
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as an ordinary society can get.
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There's excellent data on the frequency
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which people actually have physical violence
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and hit each other.
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And we can compare that to data from several different sites
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comparing, we're looking at chimpanzee and bonobo violence
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and the difference is between two and three orders
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of magnitude, the frequency which chimps and bonobos
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hit each other, chase each other, charge each other,
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physically engage is someday between 500 and 1,000 times
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higher than in humans.
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So there's something just amazing about us
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and this has been recognized for centuries.
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Aristotle drew attention to the fact
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that we behave in many ways like domesticated animals
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because we're so unviolent.
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But people say, well, what about the hideous engagements
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of this 20th century, the First and Second World War
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and much else besides.
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And that is all proactive violence.
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All of that is gangs of people making deliberate decisions
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to go off and attack in circumstances
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which ideally the attackers are going to be able
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to make their kills and then get out of there.
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In other words, not face confrontation.
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That's the ordinary way that arm is trying to work.
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And there it turns out that humans and chimpanzees
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are in a very similar kind of state.
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That is to say, if you look at the rate of death
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from chimpanzees conducting proactive
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of coalitionary violence, it's very similar
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in many ways to what you see in humans.
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So when not downregulated with proactive violence,
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it's just this reactive violence
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that is strikingly reduced in humans.
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So chimpanzees also practice kind of tribal warfare.
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Indeed they do, yeah.
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So this was discovered first in 1974.
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It was observed first in 1974,
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which was about the time that the first major study
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of chimpanzees in the wild by Jane Goodall
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had been going for something like five years
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during, of the chimpanzees being observed wherever they went.
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Until then they'd been observed at a feeding station
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where Jane was luring them in to be observed
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by seeing bananas, which is great.
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She learned a lot, but she didn't learn
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what was happening at the edges of their ranges.
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So five years later, it became very obvious
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that there was hostile relationships between groups.
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And those hostile relationships sometimes take the form
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of the kind of hostile relationships
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that you see in many animals,
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which is a bunch of chimps in this case,
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shouting at a bunch of other chimps on their borders.
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But dramatically, in addition to that,
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there is a second kind of interaction.
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And that is when a party of chimpanzees
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makes a deliberate venture to the edge of their territory
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silently and then search for members of neighboring groups.
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And what they're searching for is a lone individual.
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So I've been with chimps when they've heard
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a lone individual under these circumstances
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or what they think is a lone one,
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and they touch each other and look at each other
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and then charge forward, very excited.
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Very excited, and then while they're charging,
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all of a sudden, the place where they heard a lone call
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erupts with a volley of calls.
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It was just one calling out of a larger party.
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And our chimps put on the brakes
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and scoot back for safety into their own territory.
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But if in fact they do find a lone individual
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and they can sneak up to them,
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then they make a deliberate attack,
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they're hunting, they're stalking and hunting,
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and then they impose terrible damage,
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which typically ends in a kill straight away,
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but it might end up with the victim so damaged
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that they'll crawl away and die a few days or hours later.
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So that was a very dramatic discovery
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because it really made people realize for the first time
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that Conrad Lorenz had been wrong
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when in the 1960s, in his famous book On Aggression,
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he said warfare is restricted to humans,
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animals do not deliberately kill each other.
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Well, now we know that actually there's a bunch of animals
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that deliberately kill each other,
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and they always do so under essentially
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the same circumstances,
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which is when they feel safe doing it.
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So humans feel safe doing it when they got a weapon.
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Animals feel safe when they have a coalition,
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a coalition that has overwhelming power
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compared to the victim.
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And so wolves will do that, and lions will do that,
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and hyenas will do that,
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and chimpanzees will do it, and humans do it too.
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Can they pull themselves into something
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that looks more like a symmetric war
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as opposed to an asymmetric one?
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So accidentally engaging on the lone individual
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and getting themselves into trouble?
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Are they more aggressive in avoiding these kinds of battles?
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No, they're very keen to avoid those kinds of battles,
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but occasionally they can make a mistake.
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But so far, there have been no observations
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of anything like a battle in which
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both sides maintain themselves.
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And I think you can very confidently say
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that overwhelmingly what happens is that
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if they discover that there's several individuals
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on the other side, then both sides retreat.
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Nobody wants to get hurt.
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What they want to do is to hurt others.
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So you mentioned Jane Goodall, you've worked with her.
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What was it like working with her?
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What have you learned from her?
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Well, she's a wonderfully independent, courageous person,
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you know, who she famously began her studies
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not as a qualified person in terms of education,
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but qualified only by enthusiasm and considerable experience,
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even in her early 20s, with nature.
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So she's courageous in the sense of being able
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to take on challenges.
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The thing that is very impressive about her
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is her total fidelity to the observations,
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very unwilling to extend beyond the observations,
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waiting until they mount up
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and you've really got a confident picture,
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and tremendous attention to individuals.
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So that was an interesting problem from her point of view,
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because when she got to know the chimpanzees of Gombe,
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this particular community of Kazakia,
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this particular community of Kazakia,
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about 60 individuals.
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So Gombe was in Tanzania on Lake Tanganyika.
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She was there initially with her mother,
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and then alone for two or three years
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of really intense observation,
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and then slowly joined by other people.
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What she discovered was that there were obvious differences
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in individual personality,
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and the difficulty about that
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was that when she reported this
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to the largest scientific world,
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initially her advisors at Cambridge,
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they said, well, we don't know how to handle that,
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because you've got to treat all these animals
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as the same basically,
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because there is no research tradition
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of thinking about personalities.
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Well, now, whatever it is, 60 years later,
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the study of personalities is a very rich part
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of the study of animal behavior.
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At any rate, the important point in terms of what was she like
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is that she stuck to her guns,
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and she absolutely insisted that we have to show,
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describe in great detail,
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the differences in personality among these individuals,
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and then you can leave it to the evolutionary biologist
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to think about what it means.
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So what is the process of observation like this like?
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Observing the personality,
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but also observing in a way
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that's not projecting your beliefs about human nature
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or animal nature onto chimps,
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which is probably really tempting to project.
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So your understanding of the way the human world works,
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projecting that onto the chimp world.
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Yes, I mean, it's particularly difficult with chimps
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because chimps are so similar to humans in their behavior
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that it's very easy to make those projections, as you say.
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The process involves making very clear definitions
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of what a behavior is.
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Aggression can be defined
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in terms of a forceful hit, a bite, and so on.
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And writing down every time these things happen,
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and then slowly totting up the numbers of times
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that they happen from individual A
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towards individuals B, C, D, and E,
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so that you build up a very concrete picture
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rather than interpreting at any point
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and stopping and saying,
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well, they seem to be rather aggressive.
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So the formal system is that you build up a pattern
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of the relationships based on a description
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of the different types of interactions,
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the aggressive and the friendly interactions,
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and all of these are defined in concrete.
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So from that, you extract a pattern of relationships,
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and the relationships can be defined as
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relatively friendly, relatively aggressive,
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competitive based on the frequency
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of these types of interactions.
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And so one can talk in terms of individuals
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having a relationship,
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which on the scores of friendliness
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is two standard deviations outside the mean.
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I mean, you know, it's...
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In which direction, sorry, both directions?
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One, I mean, you know, that would be obviously,
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the friendly ones would be the ones
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who have exceptionally high rates
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of spending time close to each other,
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of touching each other in a gentle way,
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of grooming each other,
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and by the way, finding that those things
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are correlated with each other.
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So it's possible to define a friendship
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with a capital F in a very systematic way,
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and to compare that between individuals,
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but also between communities of chimpanzees
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and between different species.
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So that, you know, we can say that in some species,
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individuals have friends and others don't at all.
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What about just because there's different personalities
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and because they're so fascinating,
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what about sort of falling in love
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or forming friendships with chimps, you know?
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Like really, you know,
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connecting with them as an observer.
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What role does that play?
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Is you're tracking these individuals
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that are full of life and intelligence
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for long periods of time, plus as a human,
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especially in those days for Jane,
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she's alone observing it.
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It gets lonely as a human.
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I mean, probably deeply lonely as a human
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being observed these other intelligent species.
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It's a very reasonable question.
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And of course, Jane in those early years,
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I think she's willing now to talk about the fact
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that she regrets to some extent how close she became.
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And the problem is not just from the humans,
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the problem is from the chimpanzees as well,
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because they do things that are extremely affectionate,
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You know, at one point, Jane offered a ripe fruit
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to a chimpanzee called David Greybeard.
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David Greybeard took it and squeezed her hand,
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as if to say thank you.
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I think he gave it back, if I remember rightly.
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Oh, it's almost like thank you and returning the affection
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by giving the fruit, if they did something.
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You know, it was a gentle squeeze.
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I mean, chimpanzees could squeeze you very hard,
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as that occasionally has happened.
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Some chimps are aggressive to people,
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and others are friendly.
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And the ones that are friendly tend
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to be rather sympathetic characters,
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because they might be ones who are having problems
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in their own society.
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So, Joe Mio in Gombe used to come and sit next to me
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quite often, and he was having a hard time making it
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in that society, which I can describe to you
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in terms of the number of aggressive interactions,
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if you want, but just to be informed about it.
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So, all of this is a temptation to be very firmly resisted.
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And in the community that I've been working with in Uganda
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for the last 30 years, we try extremely hard to impress
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on all of the research students who come with us,
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that it is absolutely vital that you do not fall
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into that temptation.
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Now, we heard a story of one person who did reach out
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and touch one of our chimps.
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It's a very, very bad idea, not because the chimp
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is going to do anything violent at the time,
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but because if they learn that humans are as weak physically
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as we are compared to them, then they
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can take advantage of it, us.
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And that's what happened in Gombe.
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So after Jane had done the very obvious thing
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when you're first engaged in this game of allowing
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the infants to approach her and then tickling them
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and playing with them, some of those infants
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had the personality of wanting to take advantage
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of that knowledge later.
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And so you had an individual, Frodo,
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who was violent on a regular basis towards humans
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when he was an adult, and he was quite dangerous.
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He could easily have killed someone.
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In fact, he did kill one person.
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He killed a baby that he took from a mother, a human baby
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that he took off her hip when he met her on the path.
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So it's a reminder that we're dealing with a species that
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are rather human like in the range of emotions they have,
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in the capacities they have, and even in the strength they
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have, they are, in many ways, stronger than humans.
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So you've got to be careful.
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In the full range of friendliness and violence,
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the capacity for these very human things.
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I mean, it's very obvious with violence,
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as we talked about, that they will kill.
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They will kill not just strangers.
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They can kill other adults within their own group.
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They can kill babies that are strangers.
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They can kill babies in their own group.
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So this is a long lived individual.
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Obviously, these killings can't have very often,
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because otherwise they'd all be dead.
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And we're now finding that they can live to 50 or 60 years
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in the wild at relatively low population density,
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because they're big animals eating a rather specialized
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kind of food, the ripe fruits.
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So it doesn't happen all the time.
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With friendliness, they are very strong to support each other.
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They very much depend on their close friendships,
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which they express through physical contact,
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and particularly through grooming.
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So grooming occurs when one individual approaches another.
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I might present for grooming, a very common way of starting,
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turning their back or presenting an arm or something
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like that, and the other just riffles their fingers
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And that's partly just soothing.
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And it's partly looking for parasites,
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but mostly it's just soothing.
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And the point about this is it can go on for half an hour.
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It can go on for sometimes even an hour.
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So this is a major expression of interest in somebody else.
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When did your interest in this one particular aspect of Chim
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come to be, which is violence?
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When did the study of violence in Chim's become something
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you're deeply interested in?
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Well, for my PhD in the early 1970s,
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I was in Gombe with Jane Goodall and was
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studying feeding behavior.
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But during that time, we were seeing,
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and I say we because there were half a dozen research students
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all in her camp, we were discovering
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that Chim's had this capacity for violence.
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The first kill happened during that time,
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which was of an infant and a neighboring group.
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And we were starting to see these hunting expeditions.
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And this was the start of my interest
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because it was such chilling evidence
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of an extraordinary similarity between Chim's and humans.
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Now, at that time, we didn't know very much
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about how chimpanzees and humans were related.
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Chimps, gorillas, bonobos are all three big black hairy things
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that live in the African forests and eat fruits and leaves
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when they can't find fruits and walk on their knuckles.
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And they all look rather similar to each other.
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So they seem as though those three species,
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chimps and gorillas and bonobos,
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should all be each other's closest relatives.
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And humans are something rather separate.
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And so any of them would be of interest to us.
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Subsequently, we learn that actually that's not true
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and that there's a special relationship between humans
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But at the time, even without knowing that,
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it was obvious that there was something very odd about chimpanzees
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because Jane had discovered they were making tools.
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She had seen that they were hunting meat.
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She had seen that they were sharing the meat among each other.
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She had seen that the societies were dominated politically
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by males, coalitions of males.
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All of these things, of course, resonate so closely with humans.
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And then it turns out that in contrast
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to conventional wisdom at the time,
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the chimpanzees were capable of hunting and killing
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members of neighboring groups.
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Well, at that point, the similarities
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between chimps and humans become less
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a matter of sheer intellectual fascination
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than something that has a really deep meaning
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about our understanding of ourselves.
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I mean, until then, you can cheerfully think of humans
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as a species apart from the rest of nature
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because we are so peculiar.
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But when it turns out that, as it turns out,
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one of our two closest relatives has got these features
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that we share and that one of the features
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is something that is the most horrendous, as well as
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fascinating, aspect of human behavior,
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then how can you resist just trying
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to find out what's going on?
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So I have to say this.
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I'm not sure if you're familiar with a man,
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but fans of this podcast are.
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So we're talking about chimps.
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We're talking about violence.
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My now friend, Mr. Joe Rogan, is a big fan of those things.
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I'm a big fan of these topics.
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I think a lot of people are fascinated by these topics.
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So as you're saying, why do we find the exploration of violence
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and the relations between chimps so interesting?
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What can they teach us about ourselves?
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Until we had this information about chimpanzees,
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it was possible to believe that the psychology behind warfare
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was totally the result of some kind
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of recent cultural innovation that had nothing
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to do with our biology, or if you like,
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that it's got something to do with sin and God and the devil
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and that sort of thing.
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But what the chimps tell us after we think carefully about it
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is that it seems undoubtedly the case
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that our evolutionary psychology has given us
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the same kind of attitude towards violence
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as occurred in chimpanzees.
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And in both species, it has evolved
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because of its evolutionary significance.
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In other words, because it's been helpful to the individuals
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who have practiced it.
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And now we know that, as I mentioned,
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other species do this as well.
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In fact, wolves, which this is a really kind
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of an ironical observation, Conrad Lorenz, who I mentioned,
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had been the person who thought that human aggression
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in the form of killing members of our own species
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was unique to our species.
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He was a great fan of wolves.
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He studied wolves.
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And in captivity, he noted that wolves
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are very unlikely to harm each other in spats
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among members of the same group.
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What happens is that one of them will roll over
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and present their neck, much as you see in a dog park nowadays.
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And the other might put their jaws on the neck,
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but will not bite.
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OK, so now it turns out that if you study wolves in the wild,
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then neighboring packs often go hunting for each other.
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They are in fierce competition.
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And as much as 50% of the mortality of wolves
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is due to being killed by other wolves, adult mortality.
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So it's a really serious business.
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The chimpanzees and humans fit into a larger pattern
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of understanding animals in which you don't
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have an instinct for violence.
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What you have is an instinct, if you like,
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to use violence adaptively.
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And if the right circumstances come up, it'll be adaptive.
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If the right circumstances don't come up, it won't be.
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So some chimpanzee communities are much more
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violent than others because of things
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like the frequency with which a large party of males
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is likely to meet a lone victim.
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And that's going to depend on the local ecology.
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But the overall answer to the question of what a chimps teach
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us is that we have to take very seriously the notion
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that in humans, the tendency to make war
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is a consequence of a long term evolutionary adaptation
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and not just a military ideology or some local patriarchal
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And of course, a reading of history,
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a judicious reading of history, fits that very easily
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because war is so commonplace.
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It's not an accident.
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So it's not a construction of human civilization.
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It's deeply within us, violence.
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So what's the difference between violence
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on the individual level versus group?
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It seems like with chimps and with wolves,
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there's something about the dynamic of multiple chimps
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together that increase the chance of violence.
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Or is violence still fundamentally
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part of the individual?
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Like would an individual be as violent as they might
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be as part of a group?
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If we're talking about killing, then violence
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in the sense of killing is very much associated
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And the reason is that individuals
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don't benefit by getting into a fight in which they risk being
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So it's only when you have overwhelming power
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that the temptation to try and kill another victim
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rises sufficiently for them to be motivated to do it.
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The average number of chimpanzee males
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that attack a single male in something like 50 observations
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that have accumulated in the last 50 years
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from various different study sites is eight.
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Now, sometimes it can go as low as three to one.
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But that's getting risky.
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But if you have eight, you can see what can happen.
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I mean, basically, you have one male on one foot,
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another male on another foot, another male on an arm,
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another male on another arm.
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Now you have an immobilized victim
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with four individuals capable of just doing the damage.
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And so they can then move in and tear out
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his thorax and tear off his testicles
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and twist an arm until it breaks.
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And do this appalling damage with no weapons.
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What is the way in which they prefer to commit the violence?
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Is there something to be said about the actual process of it?
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Is there an artistry to it?
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So if you look at human warfare,
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there's different parts in history
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prefer different kind of approaches to violence.
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It had more to do with tools, I think, on the human side.
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But just the nature of violence itself,
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sorry, the practice, the strategy of violence,
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is it basically the same?
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You improvise, you immobilize the victim,
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and they just rip off different parts of their body
link |
Yeah, you have to understand that these things are happening
link |
at high speed in thick vegetation, mostly.
link |
So they have not been filmed carefully.
link |
We have a few little glimpses of them
link |
from one or two people like David Watts.
link |
He's got some great video.
link |
But we don't know enough to be able to say that.
link |
It's hard for me to imagine that there are styles that
link |
vary between communities, cultural styles.
link |
But it is possible.
link |
And one thing that is striking is
link |
that the number of times that an individual victim has
link |
been killed immediately has been higher in Kibali
link |
forest in Uganda than in Gombe National Park in Tanzania.
link |
It's conceivable that's just chance.
link |
We don't have real numbers now.
link |
But I can't remember exact numbers.
link |
But 10 versus 15 or something.
link |
So maybe they damage to the point of expecting a death
link |
in one place, and they just finish it off in the other.
link |
But most likely, that sort of difference
link |
will be due to differences in the numbers of attackers.
link |
You know, human beings are able to conceive
link |
of the philosophical notion of death, of mortality.
link |
Is there any of that for chimps when they're
link |
thinking about violence?
link |
Is violence, like what is the nature
link |
of their conception of violence, do you think?
link |
Do they realize they're taking another conscious being's life?
link |
Or is it some kind of optimization
link |
over the use of resources or something like that?
link |
I don't think it's.
link |
I can't think of any way to get an answer
link |
to the question of what they know about that.
link |
I think that the way to think about the motivation
link |
is rather like the motivation in sex.
link |
So when males are interested in having sex with a female,
link |
whether it's in chimpanzees or in humans,
link |
they don't think about the fact that what this is going to do
link |
is to lead to a baby.
link |
Mostly what they're thinking about is,
link |
I want to get my end away.
link |
And I think that it's a similar kind of process
link |
What they are thinking about is, I
link |
want to kill this individual.
link |
And it's hard to imagine that taking the other individual's
link |
perspective and thinking about what it means for them to die
link |
is going to be an important part of that.
link |
In fact, there's reasons to think it should not
link |
be an important part of it because it might inhibit them.
link |
They don't want to be inhibited.
link |
The more efficient they are in doing this, the better.
link |
But I think it's interesting to think
link |
about this whole motivational question
link |
because it does produce the sort of rather haunting thought
link |
that there has been selection in favor of enthusiasm
link |
And in our relatively gentle and deliberately moral society
link |
that we have today, it's very difficult for us
link |
to face the thought that in all of us,
link |
there might have been a residue and more than that,
link |
sort of an active potential for that thought
link |
of really enjoying killing someone else.
link |
But I think one can sustain that thought fairly obviously
link |
by thinking of circumstances in which it would be true
link |
that the ordinary human male would be delighted to be part
link |
of a group that was killing someone.
link |
What you've got to do is to be in a position
link |
where you're regarding the victim as dangerous
link |
and thoroughly hostile.
link |
But the pure enjoyment of violence.
link |
I don't know if you know this historian, Dan Carlin.
link |
He has an episode, three, four hour episode
link |
that I recommend to others.
link |
It's quite haunting.
link |
But he takes us through an entire history.
link |
It's called pain foetainment.
link |
The history of humans enjoying the murder of others
link |
So like public executions were part of,
link |
long part of human history.
link |
And there's something that for some reason humans seem
link |
to have been drawn to just watching others die.
link |
And he ventures to say that that may still be part of us.
link |
For example, he said if it was possible to televise,
link |
to stream online, for example, the execution and the murder
link |
of somebody or even the torture of somebody,
link |
that a very large fraction of the population
link |
on Earth would not be able to look away.
link |
They'd be drawn to that somehow.
link |
That's a very dark thought that we were drawn to that.
link |
So you think that's part of us in there somewhere.
link |
That selection that we evolved for the enjoyment of killing
link |
and the enjoyment of observing those in our tribe doing
link |
I mean, and that word you produced at the end
link |
is critical, I think, because it would be a little bit weird,
link |
I think, to imagine a lot of enjoyment about people
link |
in your own tribe being killed.
link |
I don't think we're interested in violence for violence's sake
link |
It's when you get these social boundaries set up.
link |
And in today's world, happily, we kind of are already one world.
link |
You have to dehumanise someone to get to the point
link |
where they are really outside our recognition of a tribe
link |
at some level, which is the whole human species.
link |
But in ancient times, that would not have been true.
link |
Because in ancient times, there are
link |
lots of accounts of hunters and gatherers
link |
in which the appearance of a stranger
link |
would lead to an immediate response of shooting on site.
link |
Because what was human was the people
link |
that were in your society.
link |
And the other things that actually looked like us
link |
and were human in that sense were not regarded as human.
link |
So there was a kind of automatic dehumanisation
link |
of everybody that didn't speak our language
link |
or hadn't already somehow become recognised as sufficiently
link |
like us to escape the dehumanisation context.
link |
And so hopefully the story of human history
link |
is that we are that tribalism fades away,
link |
that our dehumanisation, the natural desire to dehumanise
link |
or tendency to dehumanise groups that are not
link |
within this tribe decreases over time.
link |
And so then the desire for violence decreases over time.
link |
Yeah, I mean, that's the optimistic perspective.
link |
And the great sort of concern, of course,
link |
is that small conflicts can build up into bigger conflicts
link |
and then dehumanisation happens and then violence is released.
link |
As Hannah Arendt says, there currently
link |
is no known alternative to war as a means of settling
link |
really important conflicts.
link |
So if we look at the big picture, what role has violence
link |
or do you think violence has played
link |
in the evolution of Homo sapiens?
link |
So we are quite an intelligent, got a beautiful,
link |
particular little branch on the evolutionary tree.
link |
What part of that was played by our tendency to be violent?
link |
Well, I think that violence was responsible
link |
for creating your Homo sapiens.
link |
And that raises the question of what Homo sapiens is.
link |
So nowadays people begin the concept of what Homo sapiens is
link |
by thinking about features that are very obviously different
link |
from all of the other species of Homo.
link |
And our large brain, our very rounded cranium,
link |
our relatively small face, these are characteristics
link |
which are developed in a relatively modern way
link |
by about 170,000 years ago, say, you know,
link |
it's one of the earliest skulls in Africa
link |
that really captures that.
link |
But it has been argued that that is an episode
link |
in a process that has been started substantially earlier.
link |
And there's no doubt that that's true.
link |
Homo sapiens is a species that has been changing
link |
pretty continuously throughout the length of time it's there.
link |
And it goes back to 300,000 years ago,
link |
315, naturally, is the time, the best estimate of a date
link |
for a series of bones from Morocco that have been dated
link |
three or four years ago at that time
link |
and have been characterized as earliest Homo sapiens.
link |
Now, at that point, they are only beginning
link |
the trend of sapienization.
link |
And that trend consists basically
link |
of grassanization, of making our ancestors less robust,
link |
shorter faces, smaller teeth, smaller brow ridge,
link |
narrower face, thinner cranium,
link |
all these things that are associated with reduced violence.
link |
OK, so that's saying what, that's Homo sapiens beginning.
link |
So it began sometime 300,000 to 400,000 years ago,
link |
because by 315,000 years ago, you've already
link |
got something recognizable.
link |
So you're more on that side of things
link |
that those are this gradual process.
link |
It's not 150,000, 170,000 years ago.
link |
It started like 400,000 years ago, and it's just.
link |
It started 300,000 to 400,000 years ago.
link |
And if you look at 170,000, it's got even more like us.
link |
And if you look at 100,000, it's got
link |
100,000, if you look at 100,000, it's got more like us again.
link |
And if you look at 50,000, it's more like us again.
link |
It's just getting more and more like the moderns.
link |
So the question is, what happened between 300,000
link |
and 400,000 years ago to produce Homo sapiens?
link |
And I think we have a pretty good answer now.
link |
And the answer comes from violence.
link |
And the story begins by focusing on this question.
link |
Why is it that in the human species,
link |
we are unique among all primates in not having
link |
an alpha male in any group in the sense
link |
that what we don't have is an alpha male who personally beats
link |
up every other male?
link |
And the answer that has been portrayed most richly
link |
by Christopher Boehm and whose work I've elaborated on
link |
is that only in humans do you have a system by which
link |
any male who tries to bully others and become the alpha
link |
equivalent to an alpha gorilla or an alpha chimpanzee
link |
or an alpha bonobo or an alpha baboon or anything like that,
link |
any male who tries to do that in humans
link |
gets taken down by a coalition of beta males.
link |
It's a really good picture of human society, yes.
link |
And that's the way all our societies work now.
link |
Because individuals try and be alpha
link |
and then they get taken out.
link |
Yeah, I mean, we don't usually think of ourselves
link |
as beta males, but yes, I suppose that's what democracy is.
link |
OK, so at some point, alpha males get taken out.
link |
Well, what alpha males are are males
link |
who respond with high reactive violence
link |
to any challenge to their status.
link |
You see it all the time in primates.
link |
Some beta male thinks he's getting strong
link |
and maturing in wisdom and so on,
link |
and he refuses to kowtow to the alpha male.
link |
And the alpha male comes straight in and charges at him.
link |
Or maybe he'll just wait for a few minutes or over
link |
and then take an opportunity to attack him.
link |
All of these primates have got a high tendency
link |
for reactive aggression, and that
link |
enables the possibility of alpha males.
link |
We have this great reduction, as I talked about earlier.
link |
And the question is, when did that reduction happen?
link |
Well, cut to the famous experiments
link |
by the Russian biologist Dmitry Believ, who
link |
tried domesticating wild animals.
link |
When you domesticate wild animals,
link |
what you're doing is reducing reactive aggression.
link |
You are selecting those individuals
link |
to breed who are most willing to be approached by a human
link |
or by another member of their own species
link |
and are least likely to erupt in a reactive aggression.
link |
And you only have to do that for a few generations
link |
to discover that there are changes in the skull.
link |
And those changes consist of shorter face, smaller teeth,
link |
The males become increasingly female like,
link |
and reduced brain size.
link |
Well, the changes that are characteristic
link |
of domesticated animals in general compared to wild animals
link |
are all found in homo sapiens compared to our early ancestors.
link |
So it's a very strong signal that when we first
link |
see homo sapiens, what we're seeing
link |
is evidence of a reduction in reactive aggression.
link |
And that suggests that what's happening with homo sapiens
link |
is that that is the point at which there is selection
link |
against the alpha males.
link |
And therefore, the way in which the selection happened
link |
would have been the way it happens today.
link |
The beta males take them out.
link |
So I think that homo sapiens is a species characterized
link |
by the suppression of reactive aggression
link |
as a kind of incidental consequence
link |
of the suppression of the alpha male.
link |
And the story of our species is the story
link |
of how the beta males took charge and have
link |
been responsible for the generation of a new kind
link |
of human and, incidentally, for imposing on the society
link |
a new set of values.
link |
Because when those beta males discovered
link |
that they could take out the previous alpha male
link |
and continue to do so, because in every generation,
link |
there'll always be some male who says,
link |
maybe I'll become the alpha male.
link |
So they just keep chopping them down.
link |
In discovering that, they also obviously discovered
link |
that they could kill anybody in the group, females,
link |
young males, anybody who didn't follow their values.
link |
And so this story is one in which the males of our species,
link |
and these would be the breeding males,
link |
have been able to impose their values on everybody else.
link |
And there is two kind of values.
link |
There's one kind of value is things
link |
that are good for the group, like thou shalt not murder.
link |
And the other kind of value is things
link |
that are good for the males, such as, hey, guess what?
link |
When good food comes in, males get it first.
link |
I mean, it's fascinating that that kind of set of ideals
link |
could outcompete the others.
link |
Do you have a sense of why?
link |
Or maybe you can comment on Neanderthals
link |
and all the other early humans.
link |
Why did homo sapiens come to succeed and flourish
link |
and all the other branches of evolution died out?
link |
Or got murdered out?
link |
Nowadays, when homo sapiens meet homo sapiens,
link |
and we don't know each other initially,
link |
then conflict breaks out, and the more militarily able group
link |
We've seen that everywhere throughout the age of exploration
link |
and throughout history.
link |
So I'm rather surprised.
link |
The conventional wisdom that you see nowadays
link |
in contemporary anthropology is very
link |
reluctant to point to success in warfare
link |
as the reason why sapiens wiped out Neanderthals
link |
within about 3,000 years of the sapiens coming
link |
into Europe 43,000 years ago.
link |
And people are much more inclined to say,
link |
well, the Neanderthals were at low population density,
link |
so they just couldn't survive the demographic sweep.
link |
Or the disease came in, and maybe those things
link |
might have been important.
link |
But far and away, the most obvious possibility
link |
is that sapiens were just powerful.
link |
Everyone agrees they had larger groups.
link |
They had better weapons.
link |
They had projectile weapons, bows and arrows
link |
to judge from the little microlyth, bits of flake,
link |
which the Neanderthals didn't.
link |
Nowadays, there's evidence of interbreeding,
link |
quite extensive interbreeding between sapiens and Neanderthals,
link |
as well as with some other groups.
link |
And sometimes people say, well, so they loved each other.
link |
They made love not war.
link |
I think they made love and war.
link |
And it wouldn't necessarily mean too loving.
link |
I mean, if you just follow through
link |
from typical ethnographies nowadays
link |
of when dominant groups meet subordinate groups,
link |
they didn't know each other, then
link |
you can imagine that Neanderthal females would essentially
link |
be captured and taken into sapiens groups.
link |
Maybe you can comment on this cautiously
link |
and eloquently, what's the role of sexual violence
link |
in human evolution?
link |
Because you mentioned taking Neanderthal females.
link |
You've also mentioned that some of these rules
link |
are defined by the male side of the society.
link |
What's the role of sexual violence in this story?
link |
I think you've got to distinguish between groups
link |
and within groups.
link |
And I think the world has been slowly waking up
link |
over the last several decades to the fact
link |
that sexual violence is routine in war.
link |
And that to me says that it's just another example of power
link |
corrupts because when frustrated, scared, elated soldiers
link |
come upon females in a group that there's
link |
been essential dehumanization of, then they get carried away
link |
It is not always possible to argue
link |
that this is adaptive nowadays because you get lots and lots
link |
of stories of women being abused to the point of being killed.
link |
She'll be gang raped and then killed.
link |
There's lots of terrible cases of that reported
link |
from all sorts of different wars.
link |
But you can see that that could build on a pattern
link |
that would have been adaptive if happening under much less
link |
extreme circumstances.
link |
The war is very extreme nowadays in the sense
link |
that you get battles in which people are sent by a military
link |
hierarchy into a war situation in which they do not
link |
feel what hunters and gatherers would typically
link |
have felt, which would have been that if we attack,
link |
we have an excellent chance of getting away with it.
link |
Nowadays, you're sent in across the Somme or whatever it is
link |
and there's a very high chance you will be killed.
link |
And that's totally unnatural and a novel evolutionary
link |
experience, I think.
link |
Then there's sexual coercion within groups.
link |
And so that takes various kinds of forms.
link |
But nowadays, of course, I think people
link |
recognize increasingly that the principal form
link |
of sexual intimidation and rape occurs within relationships.
link |
It's not stranger rape that is really statistically important.
link |
There's much more what happens behind the walls of a bedroom
link |
where people have been living for some time.
link |
And just two thoughts and observations about this.
link |
One is that it may seem odd that males should
link |
think it a good idea, as it were, to impose themselves
link |
sexually on someone with whom they have a relationship.
link |
But what they're doing is intimidating someone
link |
in a relationship in which the relative power in the relationship
link |
has continuing significance for a long time.
link |
And that power probably goes well beyond just the sexual.
link |
It's to do with domestic relationships.
link |
It's to do with the man getting his own way all the way.
link |
It's power dynamics and the sexual aggression
link |
as one of the tools to regain power, gain power,
link |
gain more power, and that kind of thing.
link |
And in that respect, it's worth noting
link |
that although this wasn't appreciated for some time,
link |
it's emerging that in a bunch of primates,
link |
you have somewhat parallel kinds of sexual intimidation,
link |
where males will target particular females,
link |
even in a group in which the norm is for females
link |
to mate with multiple males.
link |
But each male will target a particular female,
link |
and the more he is aggressive towards her,
link |
then the more she conforms to his wishes when he wants to mate.
link |
So a long term pattern of sexual intimidation.
link |
So there's that aspect.
link |
The other aspect I would just note
link |
is that males get away with a lot compared
link |
to females in any kind of intersexual conflict.
link |
So the punishment, here's one example of this.
link |
The punishment for a husband killing a wife
link |
has always been much less than the punishment
link |
for a wife killing a husband.
link |
And you see similar sorts of things
link |
in terms of the punishments for adultery and so on.
link |
I bring this up in the context of males sexually intimidating
link |
their partners, be it wives or whoever,
link |
because it's a reminder that it's basically a patriarchal world
link |
that we have come from, a patriarchal world in which
link |
male alliances tend to support males and take advantage
link |
of the fact that they have political power
link |
at the expense of females.
link |
And I would say that that all goes back
link |
to what happened 300,000 to 400,000 years ago
link |
when the beta males took charge
link |
and they started imposing their own norms
link |
on society as a whole, and they've continued to do so.
link |
And we now look at ourselves and, you know,
link |
Jordan Peterson says, we are not a patriarchal society.
link |
Well, you know, it's true that the laws try and make it even
link |
handed nowadays between males and females.
link |
But obviously, we are patriarchal de facto,
link |
because society still in many ways supports men
link |
better than it supports women in these sorts of conflicts.
link |
So beta male patriarchal, if we're
link |
looking at the evolutionary history,
link |
OK, is there maybe sticking on Jordan for a second,
link |
is there, so he's a psychologist, right?
link |
And what part of the picture do you
link |
think he's missing in analyzing the human relations?
link |
What needs, what does he need to understand
link |
about our origins in violence and the way
link |
that society has been constructed?
link |
Oh, I don't want to go deep into his missing perspectives,
link |
you know, but I just think that what he's
link |
doing in that particular example is focusing
link |
on the legalistic position.
link |
And that's great that, you know, you
link |
do not find formal patriarchy in the law anything
link |
like to the extent that you could find it 100 years ago
link |
You know, women have got the vote now, hooray.
link |
But it took a long time for women to get the vote.
link |
And it remains the case that women suffer in various kinds
link |
of ways, you know, I mean, a woman who is,
link |
has lots of sexual partners, is treated much more rudely
link |
than a male who has lots of sexual partners.
link |
There are all sorts of informal ways
link |
in which it's rougher being a woman than it does a man.
link |
And if we look at the surface layer of the law,
link |
we may miss the deeper human nature,
link |
like the origins of our human nature that still operates
link |
no matter what the law says.
link |
Yeah, which is, you know, human nature is awkward
link |
because it includes some unpleasant features
link |
that when we sit back and reflect about them,
link |
we would like them to go away.
link |
But it remains the fact that men are hugely concerned
link |
to try and have sex with at least one woman
link |
and, you know, often lots of women.
link |
And so women are, men are constantly
link |
putting pressure on women in ways
link |
that women find unpleasant.
link |
And if men sit back and reflect about it,
link |
they think, yeah, we shouldn't do this.
link |
But actually, it just goes on because of human nature.
link |
So maybe looking at particular humans in history,
link |
let's talk about Genghis Khan.
link |
So is this particular human who was one
link |
of the most famous examples of large scale violence,
link |
is he a deep representative of human nature
link |
or is he a rare exception?
link |
Well, I think that it's easy to imagine
link |
that most men could have become Genghis Khan.
link |
It's possible that he had a particular streak of psychopathy.
link |
You know, it's striking that by the time
link |
you become immensely powerful, then you're a willingness
link |
to do terrible things for the interest
link |
of yourself and your group becomes very high.
link |
You know, Stalin, Mao Zedong, these sorts of people
link |
have histories in which they do not show obvious psychopathy.
link |
But by the time they are big leaders,
link |
they are really psychopathic in the sense
link |
that they do not follow the ordinary morality
link |
of considering the harm that they are doing to their victims.
link |
What kind of experiment would we need to discover
link |
whether or not anybody could fall into this position?
link |
I don't know, but Lord Acton's famous dictum
link |
was power corrupts, and absolute power corrupts,
link |
And then the point that people often forget
link |
is the next sentence that he said,
link |
which is, great men are almost always bad men.
link |
And that is right.
link |
It is very difficult to find a great man in history
link |
who is not responsible for terrible things.
link |
I think there is some aspect of it that it's not just power.
link |
I think men who have been the most destructive
link |
in human history are not psychopathic completely.
link |
They have convinced themselves of an idea.
link |
It's like the idea of psychopathic.
link |
Stalin, for example, Hitler is a complicated one.
link |
I think he was legitimately insane.
link |
But I think Stalin has convinced himself
link |
that he's doing good.
link |
So the idea of communism is the thing
link |
that's psychopathic in his mind.
link |
Like a bread, you construct a worldview
link |
in which the violence is justified,
link |
the cruelty is justified.
link |
So in that sense, first of all, you
link |
can construct experiments, unethical experiments
link |
that could test this.
link |
But in that sense, anybody else could have been
link |
in Stalin's position.
link |
It's the idea that could overtake
link |
the mind of a human being.
link |
And in so doing, justify cruel acts.
link |
And that seems to be, at least in part, unique to humans.
link |
It's the ability to hold ideas in our minds
link |
and share those ideas and use those ideas
link |
to convince ourselves that proactive violence
link |
on a large scale is a good idea.
link |
So that, I don't know if you have a comment.
link |
But it seems to me what really motivated Stalin
link |
was not so much communism as the retention of power.
link |
So once he became leader, and in the process of becoming
link |
leader, he was absolutely desperate
link |
to get rid of anybody who was a challenger.
link |
He was deeply suspicious, suspicious of anybody,
link |
even on his side, who might possibly
link |
be showing a glimmerings of willingness to challenge him.
link |
So when he apparently had Kirov murdered,
link |
Kirov was a great communist.
link |
Trotsky was a great communist.
link |
All his rivals, and when he went into the towns
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and murdered people by the tens of thousands.
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They were all communists.
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A lot of them were explicit communists.
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But what he was worried about was that they were rivals to him.
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I suppose the thought is, I am the best person
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to bring about a global embrace of communism.
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And others are not.
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And so we have to get rid of those others.
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Well, I suspect you're being very charitable here.
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But maybe you know enough about Stalin to really.
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Also, the point I'm making, I do quite a bit,
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is from my understanding and sense, of course,
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we can't know for sure, is he believed in communism.
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This wasn't purely a game of power.
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Now, he got drunk with power pretty quickly.
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But he really believed for, I believe his whole life,
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that communism is good for the world.
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And that I don't know what role that belief plays
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with the more natural human desire for power.
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I don't know, but it just seems like.
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As we agreed, he's killing a lot of communists on his journey.
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But it's not that doesn't, that calculus doesn't work that way.
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There's humans who are communists.
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And then there's the idea of communism.
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So for him, in his delusional worldview,
link |
killing a few people is worth the final result
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of bringing communism to the whole world.
link |
But it was more than that again, because I mean,
link |
he really wanted power for the Soviet Union.
link |
And so surely the reason that he orchestrated the export of wheat
link |
from Ukraine and in so doing was willing to lead to mass starvation
link |
was because he wanted to sell it on the market
link |
in order to be able to build up the power of the Soviet Union.
link |
You know, alternative view of communism might have been,
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well, you know, let's just make sure everybody survives and make sure
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everybody has enough to eat and we'll all be mutually supportive
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in a communal network.
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But no, but he wanted the power for the country.
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Well, I guess exactly.
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So that it's not even communism.
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The set of ideas are like Marxism or something like that.
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I guess what I'm saying is it's not purely power for the individual.
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It's power for a vision for this great nation.
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The Soviet Union and similar with Hitler,
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the guy believed that this is a great nation, Germany.
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And like they, it's a nation that's been wronged throughout history
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and needs to be righted.
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And there's some dance between the individual human and the tribe.
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Yes, no, absolutely.
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Yes. And so just like chimpanzees, you know, we are fiercely tribal
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and the tribalism resides particularly in male psychology.
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And it's very scary because once you assemble a set of males
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who share tribal identity, then they have power that they can exert
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with very little concern about what they're doing to damage other people.
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Do you think this, so Nietzschean will to power?
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We talked about the corrupting nature of power.
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Do you think that's a manifestation of those early origins of violence?
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What's the connection of this desire for power and our proclivity for violence?
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You know, what we're talking about is tribal power, right?
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Power on behalf of a group.
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And yeah, that seems to me to go right back to a deep evolutionary origin
link |
because you see essentially the same thing in a whole bunch of animals.
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You know, that most of the sort of cognitively complex animals
link |
live in social groups in which they have tribal boundaries.
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And so what you see in chimpanzees is echoed in almost all of the primates.
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The difference between us and chimpanzees and humans on the one hand
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and other primates on the other is that we kill and they don't.
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And the reason they don't is because they never meet in the context
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where there are massive imbalances of power.
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So two groups of baboons, you know, the study on this side and 50 on this side, fine.
link |
Nobody's going to try and kill anybody else because the serious risks involved.
link |
But nevertheless, they are tribal.
link |
So, you know, they will have fairly intense intergroup interactions
link |
in which everybody knows whose side is on, who is on whose side.
link |
And the long term consequences of winning those battles, nonlethal battles,
link |
is that the dominance get access to larger areas of land,
link |
more safety and so on, with chances are better record of reproductive success subsequently.
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Do you think this, from an evolutionary perspective, is a feature or a bug,
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our natural sort of tendency to form tribes?
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Oh, sorry, this is a computer programming analogy,
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meaning like it would be more beneficial.
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Is it beneficial or detrimental to form tribes from an evolutionary perspective?
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Yeah, yeah, but what does it mean, what does a bug mean?
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Well, yeah, like where's evolution going anyway?
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It's beneficial from, you know, it's beneficial in the sense that it evolved by natural selection
link |
to benefit the individuals who did it.
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But if by bug you mean something that from the point of view of the species,
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it would be great if you could just wipe this out,
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because the species would somehow do better as a result.
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Then yes, but then you know, males are a bug.
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Come on now, there's some nice things to males, speaking as a male.
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The fact that there are some nice things to males doesn't mean that they're not bugs.
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You know, maybe they're quite nice bugs, but it would be much better for the species as a whole
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not to have to have males who impose this violence on the species as a whole.
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As somebody who practiced controlled violence and doing a lot of martial arts,
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yeah, it, I'm not sure.
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It does seem kind of fun to have this kind of controlled violence, also sports.
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Also, I mean, the question of conflict in general, I guess that's the deeper question.
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Don't you think there's some value to conflict for the improvement of society for progress,
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that this tension between tribes?
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Isn't this like experiment, a continued experiment,
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we conduct with each other and to figure out what is a better world to build?
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Like you need that conflict of good ideas and bad ideas to go to war with each other.
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It's like the United States with the 50 states and the, it's the laboratory of ideas.
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Don't you think that is, again, feature versus bug?
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This kind of conflict, when it doesn't get out of hand,
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is actually ultimately progressive, productive for a better world.
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Well, what do you mean by conflict?
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I mean, you can have conflict in the sense of people have different ideas about the solution to a problem.
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And so their ideas are in conflict, they can sit down with it and on a log and chat about it
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and then decide, okay, you're right or I'm wrong or whatever.
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But if my conflict, you mean a great idea to build a nuclear bomb and set that off, then no,
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I don't see why it's a good idea to have all this violence.
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I wonder, it's not a good idea, but I wonder if human history would evolve the way it did without the violence.
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Oh, I'm sure you're right, probably humans were not evolved in the sense that we have.
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But I would hope that the course of violence in evolution will continue in the way it has.
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So there's all sorts of indications that the importance of violence has been reduced over time.
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And this is made famous in Stephen Pinker's book, but others have written about it too.
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That the frequency of death from violence in every country you look at has been declining.
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That's just great.
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And so the amazing thing about this is that even when you take the death due to the First World War and the Second World War,
link |
the 20th century appears to have been statistically, meaning rates of death per individual,
link |
the least violent in history.
link |
So we haven't got very far down the course to nonviolence, but I don't see why we shouldn't just carry on doing it.
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I think it's ridiculous, frankly, excuse my frankness, to say that violence is a good thing.
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I think that it would be a wonderful concept if we could evolve somehow to a world three thousand years from now
link |
where violence is really regarded as simply appalling and that they look back on our time and can't believe what we were doing.
link |
Yeah. But of course, violence takes a lot of different shapes as we start to think deeper and deeper about living beings on Earth.
link |
For example, the violence we commit and the torture we commit to animals and then perhaps on the line as we talked offline about with robots and that kind of thing.
link |
So there's just so many ways to commit violence to others.
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And some people now talk about violence in the space of ideas, which, of course, to me, at least, is a bit of a silly notion relative to use that same V word for the space of ideas versus actual physical violence.
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But it may be that long time from now, we see that even violence in the space of ideas is quite a manifestation of that same kind of violence.
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And so it is interesting where this is headed.
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And I think you're absolutely right.
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A world, a nonviolent world does seem like a better world.
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I wonder if the constraints on resources somehow make that world more and more difficult, especially as we run out of resources.
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It's got to be very, very different from what we're doing nowadays.
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And it's unimaginably different.
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If we could imagine it, then maybe we could work towards it at the moment.
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Nobody knows how to work towards it.
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Well, that's kind of the stories of humans is we don't really know the future.
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We're trying to try to ad hoc, kind of develop it as we go and sometimes get into trouble as to violence.
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But you know, George Orwell's vision in 1984 was of two or three world powers, each so powerful that nobody could could diminish the could destroy the other.
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But the notion of an evolutionarily stable relationship among heavily armed world powers just does not seem.
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So it's reasonable at all.
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There's to say, you know, we've we've now got 170 or 190 nations in the world dominated by a few big ones, all with arms pointing at each other.
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And the notion that we could just carry on having peace talks and making sure that these arms don't get involved in some kind of massive conflagration.
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It seems incredibly optimistic, some kind of major change has to happen, whereby, you know, and some people would like to see all the weapons go.
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That'd be great. You know, I'm a member of that sort of group that tries to see that happen.
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It's going to be very difficult to see it happen.
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Another kind of concept is the nations themselves will dissolve and will become one one government.
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That itself is a terrifying vision because the capacity for abuse by a single world power would be so problematic.
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And in addition, how do you get there without a war in the first place?
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So, you know, at the moment, we have no reasonable kind of future in mind, but I'm sure it's there somewhere.
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It's just that we haven't yet to find it.
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And a lot of people like in the cryptocurrency space argue that you can create decentralized societies.
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If you take away the power from states to define the monetary system, so they argue like if you make the monetary system such that is disjoint from the control of any one individual, any one government,
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then that might be a way to form sort of ad hoc decentralized societies, they just pop up all over the place.
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That's a really interesting technological solution to how to remove the overreach of power from governments.
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Yes, right. Absolutely.
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And it may well be that the future will emerge out of some sort of quite surprising direction like that.
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Is it nevertheless surprising to you that we have not destroyed ourselves with nuclear weapons?
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So the mutually assured destruction that we've had for many decades from somebody who studies violence, how does that make sense to you?
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Well, I mean, I'm surprised only in the sense that accidental, the fact that we have not had an accident yet has been quite remarkable.
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Because all the accounts are that we've come very close to having very serious accidents where people are either side of misread intentions or apparent launches and so on.
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So yes, I think it is remarkable. There is a nasty generalization that can be made that the longer that powerful states go without having wars, then the worse the war is afterwards.
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And you can sort of see that that kind of makes sense because basically what's happening with these tribal groups that the nations are at the moment
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is that after a big war, like the Second World War, they established new kinds of dominance relationships.
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And then during the periods of peace, what happens is that the de facto dominance relationships change because some nations become poorer, some become richer, some become more militarily powerful and so on.
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Generally, economy and military goes hand in hand. So right now China emerged from the war as a relatively low status state and is now high status.
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So if this was chimpanzees, what would happen is that you would predict a conflict because you need to have a readjustment of the formal dominance relationships to recognize the new in practice dominance relationships recognized by the economy and the military.
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So the longer that you have of a period of peace following a war, then the more these tensions of unresolved changed dominance relationships build up.
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And the longer they take to occur, then the more challenging are going to be the conflicts.
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That's a terrifying view because we've been out of conflict for quite a bit.
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Maybe it's building up.
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So it's a scary view. But on the other hand, things have changed hugely with the advent of nuclear weapons because at least that conforms to this psychology that is very clear in other animals, which is you don't want to get into a fight if you are going to get hurt.
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So that's the whole principle of mad mutual assured destruction. And it's doubtless being why powerful nations like America and Russia have not used their nuclear weapons since 1945.
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So if we can overcome the problem of accidental launches, then maybe the fact of mad does fit into human psychology in a way that means that we really will resolve our tensions without using them.
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But we haven't yet really faced that challenge. I mean, the Soviet Union collapsed because of the poor economy, but with China desperate to take back Taiwan and America shifting its focus on the Pacific, the potential for something going wrong is clearly very high.
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So what's the hopeful case that you can make for a long term surviving and thriving human civilization given all the dangers that we face?
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Well, I can't really exactly make one. I would just say that we're talking about the dangers. Obviously, the dangers are there.
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But what I would think about is the notion that surprises come from all sorts of different directions. And I mean, you work in robotics and I can well imagine that there will be advances in robotics that in some way I can't even conceive will somehow undermine the motivation for conflict.
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Something about, you know, by the time chips have been planted in human brains and we're all instantly sharing information in a way that we never did before, will this change the nature of human existence in such a way that these conflicts get resolved?
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You can remove the conflicts, but keep some of the magic, the beauty of what it means to be human. So like still be able to enjoy life, the richness of life, the full complexity of life, because you can remove conflict by giving everybody a pill and then they go to sleep, right?
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You still want life to be amazing, exciting, you know, interesting. And so that's where you have to find the balance.
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Yes, I mean, it's all science fiction stuff. And so how it's going to work out totally unclear. I don't see any worry about the magic of life disappearing. I mean, first of all, you somehow get rid of males.
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I think you really need to get rid of males, because males are the source of a major problem, which is the lust for power and the resulting conflict.
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But you don't think the males are also a source of beauty and creation?
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No, I mean, I don't have anything against males as, you know, as individuals and that sort of thing. And males have clearly done a lot. I mean, they've been incredibly exploratory and creative. And what they've done in art and music has been wonderful and that sort of thing.
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On the other hand, I'm not sure there's anything particularly special. And I think that probably females could do the same thing just as well when given the chance.
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Yes, including the dark stuff. I mean, a part of me is not understanding the, so there is evolutionary distinction between men and women. But I tend to believe both men and women, if you look out into the future, can be destructive, can be evil, can be greedy, can be corrupted by power.
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So if you move males from the picture, which are historically connected to this evolution that we've been talking about, that women are going to fill that role quite nicely. And then it'll be just the same kind of process, not the same, but it'll be new and interesting.
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There's a sense that the will to power, craving power, committing violence is somehow coupled with all the things that are beautiful about life. That if you remove conflict completely, if you remove all the evil in the world, it seems like you're not going to have a stable place for the beauty, for the goodness.
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Like, there's always has to be a dragon to fight for the way, if you look at human history, now you can say, the reason I'm nervous about a sort of utopia where everything is great is every time you look through human history when utopia has been chased, you run into a lot of trouble, where again,
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it sneaks into this evil, this craving for power. Now you can say that's a male problem, but I just think it's a human problem, and it's not even a human problem, it's a chimp problem too. It's life on earth problem, intelligent life on earth problem.
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So like, it's better to not necessarily get rid of the sources of the darker sides of human nature, but more create mechanisms that the kindness, the goodness paradox, your book, that that is incentivized and encouraged, empowered.
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Well, look, I don't think it would be utopia if you got rid of the males.
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And certainly females capable of conflict. I just think it's a gamble worth taking if you could actually do it. You can certainly find females in history who done unpleasant things.
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But nevertheless, you know, we have a very strong evolutionary theory which explains why males benefit more by having conflict and winning conflicts than females do.
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And so if we want to talk about reducing conflict, then it would reduce it to get rid of males. Now I understand this is a fantasy.
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And I think it's a fantasy that people would be able to talk about fairly soon because reproductive technology is getting to the point where it's quite likely that human females could breed without the use of males.
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And so there would be a sort of potential dynamic if everybody just agreed not to have any male babies.
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It's a really interesting thought experiment.
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I will agree with you that if given two buttons, one is get rid of all women and the other buttons get rid of all men,
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realizing that I have a stake in this choice, you're probably getting rid of all men.
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If I wanted to preserve Earth and the richness of life on Earth, I would probably get rid of all men.
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I don't think you have a stake in it. You're saying that because you're a man.
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But I don't see why being a man should make you any more interested in having a male future for the world than a female future.
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You've got just as many ancestors who were male as were female.
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Well, my problem is I'll have to die.
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Well, that's going to happen anyway. I prefer to die tomorrow not today. I prefer to hit the snooze button on the whole mortality thing.
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But this is not suggesting that males have to die in order to make room for females.
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All you have to do is just say, don't have any more males born.
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Of course, the difficulty is that because we're tribal, some country somewhere would say, well, we're not going to do that.
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And then guess what? They'd take over because they're male.
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So that's why it's impossible to imagine it actually happening.
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You know what? I'm going to take that and actually think about it. I don't know. I'm uncomfortable.
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There's a certain kind of woke culture that I've been kind of uncomfortable with because it's not women necessarily.
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There's a lot of bullying I see.
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There's a lack of empathy and a lack of kindness towards others that's created by that culture.
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But you're speaking about something else. You're speaking about reducing conflict in this world
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and looking at the basics of our human nature and its origins in the evolution of Homo sapiens
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and thinking about which kind of aspects of human nature, if we get rid of them, will make for a better world.
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It's an interesting thought experiment.
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But it is only a thought experiment. It's got no practical meaning right now.
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And I take your point that males get a hard rap nowadays in some ways
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because the balance of social power is moving against, quite rightly in a strong sense,
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of course, against all the nasty things that males do.
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But what people sometimes fail to remember is that life is very hard for males who don't have the power,
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who don't have money, who don't have access to women.
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You know, I'm sympathetic to in cells.
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I'm not sympathetic to them using violence to solve their problems.
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But I am very sympathetic to the fact that it's not easy simply to be told by well off feminist middle class people
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that you shouldn't behave like this or you shouldn't feel like this because you do.
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In general, just empathy and kindness, male or female, I believe will be the thing that builds a better world.
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And that's practiced in different ways from different backgrounds.
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But ultimately, you should listen to others and empathize with the experience of others and put more love out there in the world.
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Now, that hopefully is the way to reduce conflict, reduce violence and reduce that whole psychological experience of being powerless in this world,
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powerless to become the best version of yourself.
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When no one's going to disagree with all those fine sentiments, right?
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Yes, but that's an actionable thing is actually practice empathy.
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Like saying that somebody should be silenced or just like this group is bad and this group is good.
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I just feel like that's not empathy.
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Empathy is understanding the experience of others and respecting it.
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That's what a better world looks like.
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That's what the reduction of conflict looks like.
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It's like as opposed to saying my tribe is right, your tribe is wrong, forget the violence and nonviolence part.
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That's just that act of saying my tribe is right, that tribe is wrong, removing that from the picture.
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That's the way to make a better world.
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That's the way to reduce the violence, I think.
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Not necessarily removing the people who are causing the violence.
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You have to get to the source of the problem.
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I don't mean the evolutionary source, but just the mindset that creates the violence is usually just a lack of empathy for others.
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Yeah, but you can't just teach that because our evolutionary psychology puts us in particular directions.
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Do you think it's possible to learn through practice to resist the basics of our evolutionary psychology, the basic forces?
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Yeah, lots and lots of training, lots and lots of education can do it.
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The famously most peaceful society that anthropologists have recorded involves a tremendous amount of teaching, including some punishment.
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It's a society in Thailand.
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You have to beat it out of children to make them nice.
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This is carrot and steak.
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The point is that you do not find societies in which people are spontaneously showing the kinds of behaviors that we would all love them to show.
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What is your book titled, Goodness Paradox?
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What are the main ideas in this book?
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The paradox is the fact that humans show extremes in relationship to both violence and nonviolence.
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The violence is that we are one of these few animals in which we use coalitionary proactive violence to kill members of our own species.
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We do it in large numbers, just like a few other species.
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The nonviolence is where particularly extreme in how repressed we are in terms of reactive violence.
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I told you the story of how we get there.
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What's so extraordinary about it is that most animals are either high on both or relatively low on both.
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So chimpanzees are high on proactive violence and reactive violence.
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Bonobos are less than chimpanzees on both of those, but still hundreds of times more reactively aggressive than humans are.
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What we've done is retain proactive violence being high and got reactive violence really being low.
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And so we have these wonderful societies in which we're also incredibly nice to each other and tolerant and calm and can meet strangers and have no problem about leading to any kind of conflict.
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At the same time as we are one of the worst killing machine species that's ever existed.
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So what's so extraordinary about this is that if you look at the political philosophers of the last few hundred years,
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you've got this fight famously between Thomas Hobbes and Jean Jacques Rousseau,
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or literally you've got the fight between their followers.
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So the followers of Hobbes say,
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well, Hobbes was right because he says that we are naturally violent and you need a Leviathan, a central government or a king to be able to suppress the violence.
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So we're naturally horrid and we can learn to be good.
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Whereas Jean Jacques Rousseau is interpreted as saying the opposite, that we are naturally good and it's only when culture intervenes and horrid ideologies come in that we become uncivilized.
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And so people have had this endless fight between are we naturally corrupt or are we naturally kind.
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And that has gone on for years and it's only in the last two or three decades that anthropologists like Christopher Bohm and Bruce Naft have said,
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look, you know, it's obvious what the answer is we are both of these things.
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And what is so exciting now is I think we can understand why we are both.
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And the answer is we come from ancestors that were elevated on proactive aggression that were hunters and killers, both of animals and of each other.
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And you've got to include that as almost certain from the past.
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And then now we've taken our reactive aggression and we've downregulated it and that's given us power.
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It's given us power because once you get rid of the alpha male, once the beta males take over and force selection in favor of a more tolerant, less reactively aggressive individual,
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the effect is that our cultures suddenly become capable of focusing on things other than conflict.
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And so we have social groups in which individuals instead of constantly being on edge in the way that chimpanzees are with each other,
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are able to interact in ways that enable them to share looking at a tool together or share their food together or pass ideas from one to the other,
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or support each other when they're ill or whatever the issue is, cooperate in ways that make the group far more effective.
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So you asked earlier, you know, what did I think about why sapiens were able to expand at the expense of Neanderthals so dramatically around 40,000 years ago?
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And the answer is that whatever it was, it had something to do with the sapiens ability to cooperate.
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That was what gave them bigger groups.
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That's what enabled them to have a far more effective way of living.
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And I suspect it was to do with the weapons and military aspects.
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But even if it wasn't that, the greater cooperation that sapiens were showing would have been hugely important.
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So sapiens then had groups of, you know, who knows exactly how big they were, but scores of people to judge from their remains.
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Whereas Neanderthals were living in widely separated small groups of, you know, maybe as many as 15 or 20 people sometimes,
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where they saw others so rarely that they were in breeding at high levels.
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You know, fathers having babies with their daughters.
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Very different world.
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Very different world.
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And that's probably what our world was like before we got sapiens.
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Before we got sapiens.
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And it's fascinating that there was that kind of violence against...
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Once you get rid of the alpha males, you have now the freedom to have kindness amongst the beta males.
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Like not kindness, but collaboration, that's the better word.
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Much more corruption, not just among the males, but among the beta males, but also among the gamma males and the females.
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I don't know what a gamma male is, but I imagine there's a whole alphabet.
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Well, I don't know about a hell of an alphabet, but I think the big layers are the married men and the unmarried men.
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Because the married men had a problem with the unmarried men.
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Right? I mean, you see it in ethnographies of hunters and gatherers recently.
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Where the unmarried men would be given rules, such as...
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I mean, a very extreme rule in Northern Australia was you cannot come to the camp for months.
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You have to go away and live somewhere out in the bush.
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Because we don't want you anywhere near our wives.
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And then another kind of rule is if you are in the camp, you must be in the firelight all the time.
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Otherwise, we don't know what you're doing out in the dark.
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You really have us to control them because the men who had lots of wives did not want those horrid bachelors sneaking around the place.
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You also wrote the book titled Catching Fire, How Cooking Made Us Human.
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What's the central idea in this book?
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There's some title, How Cooking Made Us Human refers not to homo sapiens, but to homo erectus.
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A human there means the genus homo.
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And homo erectus is the first full member of the genus homo in the sense that it looked like us,
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just with a sort of slightly more robust build and a smaller brain.
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And the central idea of catching fire is that it was the control of fire that was responsible for the emergence of homo erectus and therefore the genus homo,
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which happened two million years ago.
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And it was an evolution from a line of Australopithecines.
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And Australopithecines are the creatures from whom we evolved.
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They were present in Africa from something like six or seven million years ago up to actually up to one million years ago.
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And then a branch led off to homo around two million years ago.
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And the way to think of Australopithecines is that they were like chimpanzees standing upright.
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So they were erect bipedal walkers.
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They were like chimpanzees in the sense that they had brains about the size of a chimpanzee.
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They were literally about the body size of a chimpanzee, a little bit smaller actually.
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And they had big jaws because they were still eating raw food.
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They had big teeth and big jaws.
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And then around two million years ago, the line of Australopithecines, which ended with an intermediate species, a kind of missing link area,
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because it is not missing, called habilis, sometimes called homo habilis,
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but more properly, in my view, called Australopithecus habilis.
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That gave rise to homo erectus and homo erectus, here's how different it was.
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It had a smaller mouth, a smaller jaw, smaller teeth, and to judge from its ribs and pelvis, smaller gut.
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In addition, it had lost what Australopithecines all had, which was adaptations for climbing in the trees.
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And that meant that homo erectus must have slept on the ground.
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And since it slept on the ground, it should have been able to defend itself somehow against predators.
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And I can't think of any way they could have done that unless they had fire.
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So there are two major clues to why it was with homo erectus that our ancestors first acquired the control of fire.
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One is the fact that they were clearly not sleeping in trees in the way that chimpanzees and gorillas and bonobos and all the other primates do.
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And the other is that there was this striking reduction throughout the gut,
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reduction in size of the mouth and the chewing apparatus and in the gut itself.
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And that conforms to what we see nowadays about humans, which is that our guts are about two thirds of the size of what they would be if we at raw food to judge by the great apes.
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So at some point in our evolution, we acquired the skill of cooking and skill of controlling fire.
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At no time between two million years ago and the present do we see any changes in our anatomy that can, as it were, justify the enormous change that happens when you are an animal that learns to control fire.
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But at two million years ago, we have exactly what you'd expect, namely the guts becoming smaller because the food is becoming softer and much more easy to digest.
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So you don't have to work so hard in your body to digest it.
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And as I say, a commitment to sleeping on the ground, which I think you'd be absolutely crazy to do nowadays on a moonless night in the middle of Serengeti unless you had fire.
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I've slept out quite a lot in various parts of Africa in the bush and you will not catch me just lying on the ground in an area with lots of predators unless I got a fire with me.
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You're going to get eaten.
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You're going to get terrified and you're going to get eaten.
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Okay, so there's a million questions I want to ask. So one, is it very naturally coupled the discovery of controlled fire and cooking with fire? Is that an obvious leap?
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Well, here's what we know. We know that all the animals that we've tested like to eat their food cooked more than they like it raw.
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So this is true for all the great apes. We've tested them.
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That's fascinating, by the way.
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Why is that? That's just like a property of food, I suppose.
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Yes, I think what it is is that animals are always looking for any kind of way to get food that is easier to digest.
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And there are various signals in the food, such as the amount of sugar there, the amount of free amino acids, because the amino acids can be tasted.
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And the physical qualities of the food be particularly important, how tough the food is.
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Always prefer softer food provided it feels safe, tastes safe.
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And these kinds of sensory cues are all there in cooked food.
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It's soft. It doesn't have so many toxins. It's not so noxious to taste, easier to chew.
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And so everyone loves it spontaneously. Your dogs and your cats prefer cooked food or raw food.
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Well, maybe you can say that's a consequence of domestication.
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But even, you know, as I say, all of the great apes, you test naive ones and they prefer it cooked if they can.
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So then obvious once you have fire, you're going to accidentally discover that food changes when you apply fire to it.
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And then it's going to be the big crazy new fad.
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You took the words out of my mouth. I mean, if they have fire at all and, you know, their food rolls into it,
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five minutes later, it tastes better than before.
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How big of an invention from an engineering perspective do you think is the discovery of fire?
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Do you think for the, for Homo erectus, Homo sapiens, do you think it's the greatest invention ever?
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Yeah, I think that the control of fire has been ultimately responsible for essentially how grandiose do I want to be here.
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You know, the entire human story going back to Homo is what changed us from being a regular kind of animal.
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And perhaps the biggest way in which it is likely to have changed us is it reduced the difficulty of making a large brain.
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So, you know, the story here is that the constraints on brain size are energetic.
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You and I have brains that are something like 2.5% of our body weight.
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It consumes around 25% of all of our calories.
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So it's disproportionate.
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There are other expensive organs in our body as well, such as the heart.
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And what's different about their brain is that in addition to us being able to fuel it in a way that other animals can't,
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we also have reasons for wanting to have an even bigger brain, whereas we don't want an even bigger heart.
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So what those reasons are is unclear.
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But with regard to the costs of maintaining a brain, cooking makes it possible because it's supplying more calories.
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And it is enormously reducing the amount of time that it takes to chew your food.
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So if you were a gorilla and you wanted to have a bigger brain, you might say, OK, well, let's just eat some more.
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But gorillas are eating for pretty much the entire day in the sense that they are eating for maybe seven or eight hours a day in some seasons.
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That's just chewing.
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And then they've got to sit around and digest their food because they can't just eat all the time.
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They've got to take a break while the food is digested in the stomach and then passed into the gut.
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So the stomach is already full.
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So basically gorillas are eating about the maximum rate already.
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So how does a gorilla get a bigger brain?
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It's actually got a smaller brain relative to his body size than chimpanzee does.
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And that's the basic problem for our ancestors.
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Then you come along and cook.
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And all of a sudden you can get an increased amount of energy from your food.
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You are spending much less energy on digesting your food.
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There are 25 bodily processes or more that are involved in digesting your food, making the acid that takes the proteins apart,
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maintaining the brush border where the molecules are taken across the gut wall, and so on.
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It costs you to digest your food.
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It costs less if you cook your food.
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It costs you to gain in the amount of energy.
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And you are reducing the amount of time from, in our case of our ancestors,
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probably around 50% of the day chewing to nowadays one hour a day chewing.
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So all of a sudden you've got hours a day in which to do other things,
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to use those brains that you've now enabled to grow.
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So with Homo erectus, you start the process of getting a bigger brain
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famously throughout the whole period of the evolution of the genus Homo,
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you have a steadily increasing size of brain.
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Until right at the end when it actually gets smaller, but that's a different story.
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Which end is this?
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We're talking about Homo sapiens?
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Yeah, with Homo sapiens you've got a smaller brain from,
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people haven't got it exactly down, but at least 30,000 years ago it starts declining.
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And so the fascinating thing about that is that all domesticated animals
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have smaller brains than their wild ancestors.
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The domestication is intricately connected to this brain size, you think.
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So I think what we're seeing in humans is that same manifestation.
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And then the fascinating question is why.
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And the only point I would want to make about this is that there is no evidence
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that in the small brain domesticates, they're losing say an average about 15% of brain size,
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in the small brain domesticates compared to their wild ancestors,
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there's no indication of a loss of cognitive ability.
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So I think what's going on is that it's a younger brain,
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it's a more pedomorphic brain looking like the juveniles of the ancestor,
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but just as our kids are very smart and can learn amazing things compared to adults,
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all they lack is wisdom and maturity, but in terms of sheer cognitive ability, they got it.
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And I think that's the same with domesticated animals compared to their wild ancestors,
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and probably therefore with Homo sapiens say 30,000 years ago compared to their ancestors.
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So we have smaller brains than Neanderthals.
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Size, Richard, isn't everything.
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What's the connection between fire, cooking, and the eating of meat?
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Which came first, do you think, humans starting to enjoy the eating of meat
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or the invention of fire and the use of fire for cooking?
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I think that fire increased the use of meat.
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But the fact that chimpanzees really like to hunt and kill meat, as do bonobos,
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certainly puts us in...
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So those two species have a common ancestor with us going six, seven million years ago,
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and it was from that common ancestor that you get the Australopithecine line.
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It's very likely therefore Australopithecines were eating meat when they could get it,
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which wouldn't be very often because they wouldn't be very good sprinters,
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but nevertheless they would occasionally be able to get some meat
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and I bet they loved it all the time.
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And basically all primates like meat if they can get it, almost all of them.
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But I think fire would have been very important for a couple of reasons.
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One is that once you eat your food cooked, then you're saving yourself time.
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By saving yourself time, you can free up
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the opportunity to go and hunt more because hunting is a high risk, high gain activity.
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There's every risk that you will get nothing on one particular afternoon that you go off
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looking for opportunities to kill.
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But it's high gain because when you do get something, you bring down a kudu,
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then you've got a serious amount of meat.
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What did males and females do with the time they were saving from not having to chew their food?
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I think that in the case of males, it's very reasonable to think,
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they spent a greatly increased amount of time hunting.
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So chimpanzees, they hunt maybe two or three times a month
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and the average hunt length is 20 minutes.
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With humans, they're hunting maybe 20 times a month
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and the average hunt length is six hours. So it's a huge difference.
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And that's possible because the time was available because they were cooking.
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Less chewing, more hunting.
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The other thing is that the meat is so much nicer.
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So when a chimpanzee kills a monkey,
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and I mean they are so excited about killing a monkey,
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they are so excited about going into the hunt
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and when they make the kill, then the screams everywhere
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and some try to seize it and capture it and take it away from the others
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and eventually the strongest one has it
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and the others sit around begging and trying to get some and tear it off
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and so they all love it.
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There are others who he often goes to the top of a tree
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in order to be able to get away from all of these beggars and scavengers
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and while he's there, drops of blood or little scraps fall down to the bottom
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and the junior members of society, you know, the females and young and that sort of thing,
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they are racing through to find a particular leaf that's got to drop a blood on it
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so they can lick it. I mean, they love it.
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But it takes them a lot of time to chew it.
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I mean, it's the same thing as for cooked food in general.
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So they are getting meat very slowly into their bodies
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and there sometimes comes a time when they just say,
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I've had enough of this, I need real food and they'll drop the meat and go off and eat fruit again
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because they can get fruit into their bodies so much faster than they can get meat.
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So once they're cooking, that problem is solved
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and they can eat the meat so just much more readily.
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And I think that mediating would become important for two reasons with cooking.
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So the key, not to oversimplify, but the key moments in human history
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are with the Homo erectus, the discovery of fire and the use of fire for cooking
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and then with Homo sapiens, the beta males killing off the alpha males
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and the cooperation can exist and cooperation leads to communication and language
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and ideas and sharing of ideas, that kind of thing.
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Well, yes. The only thing I modify on that is that you have to ask,
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how is it that the beta males were able to kill the alpha male?
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And we now know that although chimpanzees do kill males within their own group sometimes,
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it's not a process of killing the alpha male.
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It's taking advantage of opportunity when some male gets into a bad position
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but it's not a systematic ability to kill the alpha male.
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And you can see why, because they don't have language.
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And without language, it's very difficult to know how confident you can be
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of the support of others against a particular individual within your own group.
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When you're attacking someone from another group, that problem is solved.
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They all hate the, you know, those guys.
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But the alpha male has got alliances within his group.
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Some of those allies might be willing to turn against him.
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Some of them might be harboring deep feelings of resentment.
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But how does anyone else know that?
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So in other words, I think that you have to have some kind of language that is pretty good
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to solve the problems of gaining confidence that five of you say, you know,
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or some number can trust each other in this final attack.
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And, you know, even nowadays it's difficult, you know.
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You mentioned Stalin.
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It's like, why was everybody terrified?
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Any dictator that takes control?
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Why is all of us as individuals terrified when you know there's millions of us?
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And so like that, we lack the language because our basic psychology of fear overtakes us.
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Like, who can we talk to?
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Who can we talk to and not get killed ourselves?
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Exactly. That's right.
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But do you have this intuition that some kind of language was developing
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along with this process of beta males taking over?
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Yes. Yes. I mean, once you have sufficient language to be able to have the beta males conspiring to kill the alpha male,
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then you have selection in favor of cooperation and tolerance, as we spoke about.
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And at that point, there will be increased ability to communicate
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and the language will get richer and better and better.
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So yes, absolutely. Positive feedback loop once you get the situation started.
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Can you maybe comment on the full complexity and richness of the human mind through this process?
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We've been casually saying cooking fire and beta males leading to cooperation.
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But how does the beauty of the human mind emerge from all of this?
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Is there other further steps we need to understand or is it as simple as this language emerging from taking over the alpha male and the cooperation?
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Or am I also over romanticizing how amazing the human mind is?
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Is it just like one small step in a long journey of evolution?
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Well, if the beauty of the human mind is the ability of us all to be creative, to explore, that's one kind of beauty.
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Another kind of beauty is the empathy that we can show.
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And we think of that as beautiful because it is a kind of rare and special ability compared to the sort of ordinary selfishness that can commonly predominate.
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I suppose we have to think of different sources for those two types.
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I suppose a general answer is that there has been selection in favor of bigger brains which probably in general has been associated with increasing cognitive ability.
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And as that has happened, the complexity of life has increased because people have more and more complex, highly differentiated strategies
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in response to each other's more complex, highly differentiated strategies.
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We get to a point where there is deception and self deception.
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There is a manipulation of ideas through stories that we invent and stories that we pass on.
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I guess all I'm wanting to say is that there is a world of the mind that evolves in response to these platforms that are put there.
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The platform of increasing brain size and therefore cognitive ability made possible by increased energy supply.
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The platform of cooperation and tolerance in a world in which there remains a lot of conflict and therefore a need to respond to the conflict and manipulate your allies appropriately.
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I don't see beauty as coming totally independently of these things. I don't think there is a selection for staring into the sunset and creating poetry.
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But I guess sexual selection, males wanting to impress females in different ways will lead to them wanting to show off.
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Yeah, in all the different ways. So all of these are natural consequences of just coming up with strategies of how to cooperate and how to achieve certain ends.
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So that's just like a natural question.
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Yeah, I mean, we haven't spoken about sexual selection, but that is a really important part of it.
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You know, they try to outcompete each other in normally without any physical conflict just in order to be able to be chosen by mates of the opposite sex.
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And that is certainly a major source of creativity.
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So you've studied chimps. You also are the other relatives, gorillas.
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What do you find beautiful and fascinating about chimps, about gorillas, about humans?
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Maybe you can paint the whole picture of that evolutionary, that little local pocket of the evolutionary tree.
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How are we related? What is the common ancestor? What are the interesting differences?
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I know I'm asking a million questions, but can you paint a map of what are chimps, gorillas and humans, like how we're related and what you find fascinating about each?
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In Africa, straddling the equator, there is a strip of rainforest that relies on the combination of high temperatures and rainfall that you get around the equator.
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That rainforest goes into about 22 countries. And throughout those countries, you have chimpanzees, although they've gone extinct in two of them.
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In just a fraction of them, five countries, you've got gorillas where there are mountains.
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And in one country, on the left bank of the Great Congo River, you have bonobos.
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So in the African forest, you've got these three African apes, the only African apes, all of which are very similar in much of their way of life.
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They walk on their knuckles through the forest, looking for fruit trees and eating herbs when they can't find fruits.
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Gorillas represent the oldest chain. So about 10 million years ago, maybe as recently as 8 million years ago, the ancestor of gorillas broke off from the ancestor leading to chimps and bonobos and humans.
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So they've probably remained very similar now to what they were then. They were probably the largest apes living in montane areas and spending more time eating just herbs, stems, not so vitally dependent on fruit.
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And living in, if it was like the present, groups up to about 50 stable groups with one alpha male who was in charge.
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Gorillas are wonderfully slow and inquisitive compared to chimps and bonobos.
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And I had the privilege of spending a week or two with gorillas at Diane Fossey's camp before she was murdered.
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And I went out with two women, Kelly and Barb, to a particular group. And there was a young female in the group called Simba. And Simba approached us and stared at the two women.
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And then she came towards me and she very deliberately reached out her knuckles and touched me on the forehead.
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She was watched in doing this by a young male who was quite keen on her. And he was called Digit.
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And about five minutes later, Digit stood in front of us on the path and Kelly was in front of me. And then there was Barb and then there was me.
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And he came charging down the path and he sidestepped around Kelly and he sidestepped around Barb.
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And me, he just knocked with his arm and sent me flying about five yards into the bushes.
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And I loved the way that that was a very deliberate response. And I loved the way that Simba had been so interested in me and held my eye.
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Chimps and bonobos never hold your eye. But gorillas really look as though they're trying to sort of figure out, what are you thinking about?
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That was a species that goes back for something like 10 million years.
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In that situation, was there a game being played?
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Well, I mean, I felt that Digit was telling me, I don't want you messing with Simba.
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But was Simba using you?
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Oh, I see. Well, that's a fun idea. I don't see why she should be using me, but you mean testing how strongly Digit was prepared to interview.
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Exactly. Well, that's come straight out of a sort of adolescent to high school playbook.
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No, it's nothing wrong with it for that. I never thought of that and you never know.
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So this is an ancient branch of the evolutionary tree, this gorilla that led to gorillas.
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So then the next thing that happened on the evolutionary tree was six or seven million years ago when you have the line between chimps and bonobos on the one hand and humans on the other splitting.
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And basically what happened is that at that point, a chimplike ancestor leaves the forest, gets isolated in an area outside the forest and adapts and that becomes the Australopithecines.
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And meanwhile the chimpanzees and bonobo ancestor continues in the forest.
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And later what happens is that one branch of that crosses the Congo River and becomes the bonobos.
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That was only about two million years ago, maybe one million years ago.
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Now the chimps that remained in the forest for this time and occupied all the countries across from West to East Africa now.
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Again, we assume that they're pretty similar to the ones that live nowadays, whether some variation from West to East.
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And these are animals that live in social communities of between say 20 and 200.
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They have a lot of them in one group, but they never come together in a single unit.
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They share an area, a community territory, and that area is defended by males and within it females wander and bring up their young independently.
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And the females are very scared about the possibility that males will be mean to their infants.
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And in order to avoid them doing that, they do their best to mate with every single male in the group multiple times.
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As if to give a memory in that male of, yeah, yeah, I reminded you, so I'm not going to be mean to your baby.
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So what's wonderful about chimps?
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Well, you know, as we've spoken about them, you know, they are creative and sort of amazingly human like.
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But I love the sort of, you know, the quiet moments and here's one.
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I've got two chimps who are grooming each other on a day when they are utterly exhausted.
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They've walked 11 kilometers the day before up and down hills.
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And on this particular day, all they do is they get to one tree and they eat from that tree.
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And other than that, they only walk about 100 yards and they go back to sleep in the nest in which they woke up.
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So they're utterly exhausted.
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And they're just eating nonstop because they're trying to recover their energy.
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And this is Hugh and Charlie.
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And we think they're probably brothers that we never actually got the genetic evidence to prove it.
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Well, I never remember now who it is, but let's say that they both come down from the tree and they're both carrying branches of the food.
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They're actually seeds from these branches.
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They're both engaged even in the midday sun when they want to come down and shade themselves for a bit on the ground.
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They're still eating.
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But then Charlie finishes his branch and he starts grooming Hugh and Hugh continues eating from his branch.
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Charlie eventually gets bored of this after a few minutes and he reaches out and he lifts the branch from which Hugh is still taking seeds
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and puts it over his head and puts it behind his back as far as possible away from Hugh.
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Hugh doesn't do anything.
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He just finishes his mouthful and then he turns to Charlie and grooms him.
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So this very polite way of saying, will you groom me please has worked.
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Then Hugh grooms around Charlie's back and around to the right side and then down his arm to what point where he can reach the branch again.
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And then he picks up the branch and continues.
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Not sure, aren't they?
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So in other words, they have a very sort of simple little strategy, but it just shows the courtesy with which they can treat each other.
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And the days I love with chimps are when you see that sort of thing or when you see mothers just lying in a sunlit patch in the forest with their babies bouncing on top of them just having a wonderful peaceful time.
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And that's what most of their lives are like.
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So chimpanzees are the species that kind of unites the rest of the apes because a gorilla is in many ways just a big version of a chimpanzee.
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If you can sort of engineer a chimpanzee in your mind to be bigger, it basically turns into a gorilla.
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And then bonobos on the left bank of the Congo River are like a domesticated form of chimpanzee, but obviously humans didn't domesticate them, so they're self domesticated.
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They are less aggressive and they show all the marks of domestication that domestication animals do compared to wild animals in their bones.
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So they have reduced differences between males and females in which the males are more like females, they have smaller brains, they have shorter faces, smaller teeth and smaller bodies.
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All the things the domesticated animals show.
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And bonobos live in this environment in a strikingly peaceful way compared to the chimpanzees.
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There's no indication that they will have these aggressive kills and enough data now to show that there's a statistical difference in the frequency of which it would happen.
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And bonobos are famously erotic.
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The females have enlarged sexual parts which swell to a particularly large size compared to the female chimpanzees.
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And the females have a lot of interactions with each other in which they excitedly rubbed their clitorises together and appeared to have orgasms.
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And these occur in the context of some kind of social tension.
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And they sometimes happen before, sometimes happen after the social tension, and they seem to be devices, these interactions for ensuring that everyone's friends
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and reducing the chances that they're actually going to get into a fight.
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So it's a kind of conflict resolution through sex or some kind of pleasurable sexual experience.
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Well, it's often characterized as make love not war, that's right.
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Make love not war.
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Okay, you mentioned to me offline that you have a deep love for nature.
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If we look at the world today, how can we ensure that the beautiful parts of nature remain a big part of our lives?
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Assuming beings, in the way we think about it, in the way we also keep it around, preserve it.
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You know, we keep it part of our minds and part of our world.
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It's a very difficult question because every time there is a conflict between conservation of a natural habitat and allowing people to get a little bit of extra food for their babies,
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then naturally the tendency is for the humans to win.
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And so we have this steady erosion in the face of tremendous efforts to conserve nature.
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We have a continuing steady erosion of habitats and all the species, and the numbers are always in the wrong direction.
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Occasionally you get sort of wonderful little examples of something being saved, but the overall trend is clear.
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And it's very difficult to see how one can ever escape that because it's not human.
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Now that we are essentially a single tribe to want to save an elephant if it means killing 20 humans.
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So I think the only way in which we can really conserve is if we put tremendous effort into conserving the very best representative areas of nature.
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Often this will be the national parks that already exist.
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And what we have to do is to make them so valuable that actually it is worth it in terms of human survival to be able to keep those sorts of places.
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And that's the attitude that my colleagues and I have taken in Uganda where we want to keep the Kibali National Park alive,
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which has got the largest population in chimpanzees in Uganda and it's got elephants and wonderful birds and wonderful butterflies and wonderful plants and so on.
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And visitors and lots and lots of visitors.
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It may be that we're going to have to have huge increases in the amount of charges that you pay for ecotourism and you need to make sure ecotourism is done right.
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In other places you will keep nature there because it's useful for maintaining the climate, bringing rain.
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Maybe you can in some places convince people of the sheer sort of aesthetics of keeping nature that even over the long term,
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presidents whose job it is to look for the future of the country will be persuaded that you can do it for purely aesthetic reasons.
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But overall, what is required is for people in the rich countries to do much more investment than they have so far in maintaining both the natural places in their own countries and in the tropics.
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And if you look at Africa, the population trends are that Nigeria may become the most populous country in the world, I think, within a century.
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The future of African habitats, it's clear what's going to happen in general.
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There's going to be a huge conversion towards agricultural land.
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I heard Ed Wilson speak years ago about the prospect of the entire globe being turned into a single human feedlot.
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It's going to take a lot to avoid that.
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He is out there calling for half the earth to be devoted to nature.
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It's incredibly ambitious and incredibly optimistic, but unless you have really exciting goals, probably nothing will be achieved.
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I mean, there's something to me like when I visit New York and I see Central Park and somehow constructed a situation where you preserve this park in the middle,
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probably some of the most expensive land in the world.
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The fact that that's possible gives me hope that you can do this kind of preservation at a global scale.
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Perhaps for just the aesthetic reasons of just valuing the beauty and disrespecting our origins of having come from the earth.
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We are so incredibly lucky to have chimpanzees, bonobos, and gorillas as our close relatives still living on the earth.
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We're unlucky that we don't have Australopithecines and other species of homo, but we're still lucky to have those because they are incredibly closely related to us compared to what most animals have.
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There are many animals that don't have any close relatives to them on the earth, but not only are they relatively close, but they teach us so much about ourselves.
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The similarities between them and ourselves raise questions that we can then test about the extent to which our own behavioral propensities are derived from the same evolutionary stock as in those great apes.
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Well, how much is that worth?
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I mean, we could spend billions going to the Mars to find evidence of bacteria there, and that's fascinating too.
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But we should be spending billions on this earth in order to make sure that we have, I don't know how to say it, substantial representative populations of these close relatives.
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Yeah, that we can meet.
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There's something like space tourism, when you go out into space and you look back down on earth, that's to a lot of people, including myself, is worth a lot.
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But why is that worth a lot?
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It's because it's humbling and beautiful in the same way that meeting our close evolutionary relatives is humbling and beautiful.
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Just to know that this is what we come from.
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This is who we are, not just for the understanding or the science of it, but just like something about just the beauty of witnessing this.
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And again, it's both humbling and empowering that this place is fragile and we're damn lucky to be here.
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Yes, unfortunately, the problems are incredibly difficult to solve and there is no one solver.
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It has to happen from a network of potentially cooperating people.
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But you're so right about it being daunting to think about what it looks like from space and I love the view that Herman Muller expressed of being able to go out from space.
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And he said, the whole of life would look like a kind of rust on the planet.
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Yeah, so the aliens were to visit.
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I'm not sure they would notice the life.
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They would probably notice the trees or ocean.
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It's a kind of rust.
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But let me ask the big ridiculous philosophical question of what is the meaning of this rust?
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What do you think is the meaning of life on earth?
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What is the meaning of our human intelligent life?
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Well, I think it's very clear that we have an evolutionary story that is only getting challenged around the edges.
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We have a very clear understanding of the evolution of life.
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And the meaning is we are here as a consequence of materialistic processes that began in our sense with the establishment of the earth four and a half billion years ago, whatever it was, and then water and oxygen and so on.
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And we are the astonishing consequence of the evolution of cells and multicellular organisms.
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The word random is the wrong word to use unless you understand what it means.
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It didn't happen by chance, but a lot of random events had to happen to make this possible.
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And those random events, of course, are the production of appropriate mutations.
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But the meaning of life is there is no meaning.
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The really big mystery of life is why is there a universe?
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And that's saying why propagates itself through the whole process of it, for the emergence of planets, the origins, first of all, of galaxies, of star systems, of planets, of the proteins required to construct the single cell organisms and the single cell organism becoming complex organisms,
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and some of the clever fish crawling out onto the land and the whole of it, and then there's fire, some clever guy or lady invented fire, and then now here we are.
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It just does seem, speaking as a human, kind of special that we're able to reflect on the whole thing.
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Wonderful story, so much more interesting than the stories produced by religion.
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It is beautiful, but it just seems special that us humans are able to write religions and construct stories and also do science.
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That seems kind of amazing.
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It seems like the universe is such that it creates beings like us that are able to investigate it.
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And that's why there's this longing for why.
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It's just such a beautiful little pocket of complexity created by the universe.
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It seems like there should be a why, but maybe there's just an infinite number of universes, and this is the one that led to this particular set of humans.
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Even without an infinite number of universes, I bet there's an infinite number of intelligent beings.
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Throughout this universe.
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Yeah, now that we know how many planets have the right sort of conditions, which is what, I can't remember, a lot.
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It's some significant percentage of all planets.
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Then there are apparently billions of planets, and things happen so quickly on Earth.
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Once you've got water, then you've got life, and it did not take long for life to evolve in the big scheme of things.
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And if you think, you look out there, say there's a nearly infinite number of intelligent civilizations.
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One dimension you can look at is the proclivity to violence they have.
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And it's interesting to think what level of violence is useful for extending the life of a civilization.
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So we have a particular set of violence in our history, maybe being too peaceful is a problem in the early days.
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Maybe being too violent, quite obviously, is a problem.
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So you look at viruses, what kind of viruses on Earth propagate and succeed.
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If you're too deadly, that's a big problem.
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If you're not deadly enough, that's also a problem.
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So that is a fascinating exploration of...
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I don't see any evidence.
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There's no way you're coming from when you say that being too peaceful is a problem.
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Well, because I'll say it this way, death is a way to get rid of suboptimal solutions.
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But there's lots of ways to die without violence.
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To me, death in itself is violence.
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I mean, a lot of people that talk about, for example, longevity and disease and all that kind of stuff,
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they see death is the way they talk about it.
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And it's interesting to philosophically think of it that way.
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So death is like mass murder that's happening.
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And people that try to, from a biological perspective, help extend life,
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they see that you're helping the most...
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The biggest atrocity in the history of human civilization from their perspective
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is not allocating all our resources to solving death.
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Because death is a kind of violence.
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It is a kind of murder that we're allowing to be committed on us by nature.
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So the flip side of that is death makes way for new life, for new ideas.
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Yes, but that's got nothing to do with peace versus war.
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You have animals that are very, very peaceful, but they evolve just in the same way as other animals do.
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They just don't do it with death caused by violence.
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And violent death is premature death, surely.
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I mean, I don't mind about people dying.
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What I mind about is people dying in their youth.
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But some people would say all death is premature.
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It certainly feels that way.
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It's died too soon.
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Anyone who's ever died died too soon.
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Yeah, well, I mean, if we can become like sequoias and live for hundreds of years
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or thousands of years, that would be great.
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Do you ponder your own mortality?
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Are you afraid of death?
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I don't think I'm afraid of it.
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I'm reconciled to the fact it's going to happen.
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I just feel frustrated because I enjoy life.
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And I don't want to leave the party.
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Yeah, it's kind of a fun party.
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I don't want to leave the party either.
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So however we got here, we made one heck of an awesome party.
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Having a party with a little bit less violence than it is an even more fun party.
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Richard, I'm deeply honored that you spent time with me today.
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Your work is amazing.
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It includes some of the deepest thinking about our human history
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and the nature of human civilization.
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So again, thank you so much for talking today.
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Thanks for your great questions.
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It's a really fun conversation.
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Thanks for listening to this conversation with Richard Rangham.
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To support this podcast, please check out our sponsors in the description.
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And now let me leave you some words from Jane Goodall.
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The greatest danger to our future is apathy.
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Thank you for listening and hope to see you next time.